U R A C C A N U P D A T E <*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*> March 8, 1998, International Women's Day <*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*><*> <*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> URACCAN>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> del Puente del Eden 1 cuadra arriba, 2 cuadras al sur Casa D-10 Barrio Ducuali Managua, Nicaragua Voice Phone: 248 4658 Fax: 248 4685 Email: uraccan@ibw.com.ni [Managua Office] autonomy@ibw.com.ni [Bluefields Campus] <*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> "God created the world, paused, then smiled on the Caribbean. This tranquil place must be heaven. Our wonderful homeland..." Eric Roach, Caribbean Poet {~.~} {~_~) (~^~) {`^'} [<..>]{~.~} {~_~)(~^~){`^'} INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY, 1998 [***] WERE, SHOULD BE, AND SHALL BE [***] THIS ISSUE OF uraccan update IS DEDICATED TO THE WOMEN OF OUR CARIBBEAN COAST -- MISKITAS, MAYAGNAS, GARIFUNAS, RAMAS, ULWAS, CRIOLLAS, AND MESTIZAS -- IN TIMES PAST AND IN TIMES TO COME YOU [***] REVEERED AS CREATOR, SUSTAINER, SPRING OF LANGUAGE, ARTISAN OF CULTURE. TODAY YOU STRUGGLE FOR HUMAN SURVIVAL AND DEVELOPMENT, AND WORK TO UNITE AS WOMEN IN A COMMON AGENDA FOR CARIBBEAN COAST AUTONOM Y AND INDIGENOUS RIGHTS, AND TO BEQUEATH A BETTER EARTH FOR GENERATIONS TO COME. YOU STRUGGLE TO TAKE YOUR RIGHTFUL PLACE - A PLACE THAT INDIGENOUS TRADITIONS BEQUEATH YOU - IN FAMILY, SOCIAL, CULTURAL, EDUCATIONAL, AND POLITICAL LIFE. WOMAN, YOU ARE THE STARS' COMPASS AND BY YOUR DEEDS STARS TAKE THEIR GUIDANCE AND BROADCAST THEIR BRILLIANCE. MOON BASKS IN THE LIGHT OF SUN. STARS ARE FORE VER - YOUR REFLECTED GLOW - WOMEN'S GLOW -- MOTHER, SISTER, DAUGHTER, GRANDDAUGHTER, LOVER, CO-WORKER, HEALER, LEADER, AND PEACE-MAKER. LIFE. Felipe Stuart Courneyeur, Editor, Uraccan Update. {~.~} {~_~) (~^~) {`^'} [<..>]{~.~} {~_~)(~^~){`^'} {~.~} {~_~) (~^~) {`^'} [<..>]{~.~} *> IN THIS ISSUE {~.~} {~_~) (~^~) {`^'} [<..>]{~.~} {~_~)(~^~){`^'} {~.~} *> Ojo de URACCAN *> Final Election Results *> LA TRIBUNA Editorial March 3, 1988 *> LA PRENSA Editorial March 3, 1988 *> NGO Lobby Group: Debt 300% of GDP *> Dry Canal Stalled *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> URACCAN UPDATE is published as a courtesy to URACCAN by the editor, Felipe Stuart Courneyeur. Opinions expressed in signed articles are those of their authors and do not necessarily reflect those of URACCAN or the editor. Those, when articulated, will be found in editorials or in formal statements issued by URACCAN. *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> *> O J O D E U R A C C A N "OJO DE URACCAN" is the editor's space -- his corner of the chatroom. Usually you will find here a few tips on what's coming up in the UPDATE. Final, unofficial results of the March 1 election are now available. However, in the past three days news of the Caribbean Coast elections nearly disappeared from the pages and airwaves of the Managua media -- pushed to obscure sidelines by an avalanche of coverage of a shocking scandal concerning the family of Nicaragua's former President, Daniel Ortega. [The principal leader of the FSLN was publicly accused by his stepdaughter of having sexually abused her during her childhood and adolescense - a claim denied by Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo in a press conference March 2. [That story -- the Nicaraguan media's answer to Washington's "fornigate" scandal -- continues to dominate radio, television, and print news -- even the digital news available on local internet services.] In this edition URACCAN UPDATE brings you in highly synthetic form the CSE (Supreme Electoral Council) preliminary results of the March 1 elections in the RAAN and RAAS, framed with a few observations of trends and anomalies suggested by evident voting patterns. In coming issues we will attempt to provide UPDATE readers with a range of opinion about the results, their significance for autonomy, and their likely impact on national political trends. In particular, we want to present opinion and analysis of Costenos and their organizations. Time limitations and distance have prevented us from including much of that in this edition, a gap that should be taken into consideration when weighing factors adduced in the reports below. Our thanks to Diego Daniel Almendra Gonzalez for his assistance in compiling these notes and election news items. Felipe Stuart C., Editor: *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> MARCH 1 COAST UNOFFICIAL ELECTION RESULTS *> REGIONAL AUTONOMOUS COUNCILS-PARTY STANDINGS ____________________________________________ ++++++++++++++++++RAAN++++++++++++++++++++++ Party or Slate Seats ------------------------------------------- FSLN 14 PLC 24 YATAMA 7 -------------------------------------- Total elected-45 +++++++++++++++++RAAN++++++++++++++++++++++ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ +++++++++++++++++RAAS++++++++++++++++++++++ Party or Total Slate Seats ------------------------------------------- FSLN 13 PLC 19 YATAMA 4 AC - Alianza Costena 2 PIM - Partido Indigena Multietnica 7 --------------------------------------------- Total elected-45 ++++++++++++++++++RAAS++++++++++++++++++++++ _____________________________________________ [Source: LA TRIBUNA: 98-03-05] National Assembly Deputies also members: The Autonomy Statute includes deputies of the National Assembly elected from the autonomous regions as members of the regional legislatures. Hence, in the RAAS the total seats for the FSLN and the PLC will be one more than those elected March 1, that is 14 and 20 respectively; and the total number of seats is to be 47. In the RAAN, the addition of national assembly members to the orm. The opportunity is there, but the outcome depends on political skill and will. Aleman is guaranteed majority control of the RAAN legislature and it has been alleged that he is doing everything money can buy to assure that the PLC forms a cabinet in the RAAS as well. 3) YATAMA - mucha cana a moler The eventual orientation of YATAMA in the RAAS and the RAAN is difficult to predict. YATAMA's approach to autonomy is distinct from that of the PLC; hence its role will depend a great deal on the negotiation process; as the Nicaraguan expression goes "hay mucha cana por moler" [there's a lot of sugar cane to grind]. 4) PLC victory? The March 2 editions of LA TRIBUNA and LA PRENSA banner headlined a sweeping PLC victory and President Aleman then boasted that he was about to take up to 28 seats in both autonomous councils - hence, giving him two regional PLC governments with stable majorities in the elected assemblies. That was either wishful thinking or deceptive bombast. The results in the RAAS are being interpreted as a serious setback, if not defeat for the PLC. Considering the millions of cordobas of PLC and state funds thrown into the race, the results must be disappointing for those of the "unblemished red banner". This is hardly a reliable spring board into the next national elections - Aleman's main goal in the campaign. The RAAN picture appears, at first glance, more favorable to the PLC. But behind the glow of victory in the north is a shadow that must worry the PLC leader. The PLC victory in the north is primarily a victory for Stedman Fagot, a popular Miskito leader and politician with a power base along the Rio Coco - upper, plains, and lower river regions -- where there are sizable communities of Miskito p eople living in the traditional heartland of that nation -- the Rio Wangki. Fagot's PLC won a near shutout in Wangki ridings. Local observers report that Aleman has always viewed his alliance with Fagot (a former YATAMA leader) with unease, respecting him as a kind of lose cannon that the crew is unable to tie down. Even Stedman Fagot would have difficulty in predicting what role Aleman's "loose cannon" will play between now and the next national elections. Controlling the Bilwi government will add significantly to Fag ot's reach and potential power base as a strong contender in the years ahead. 5) FSLN-Autonomo The FSLN-Autonomo lost seats this time round. It's showing in the mines was especially weak, given its traditional strength in the mining and working-class culture of that part of the RAAN. It would appear too soon, however, to try to assess exactly what underlies this loss. Is it connected with a trend towards regional-based parties and alliances? Does it more reflect essentially local factors (e.g., a changing demography in the mining triangle, the extension of the agricultural frontier leading to a greater meztizo population (see the URACCAN study reported in the March 2 Special Issue of URACCAN UPDATE). Is the FSLN's poorer showing rooted in the high rate of abstentionism. If so, why was it unable to motivate abstainers to line-up at the polls and vote red-and-black? The FSLN emphasized support for autonomy in its campaign, but is nevertheless unappealing to many autonomy-oriented youth who see it as a "national" or "Pacific" party. This image problem, to the extent that it is real, will likely help spur a deeper discussion of what it means for the FSLN to really be "FSLN-Autonomo" in the current context. This issue is related closely to the parliamentary ch allenge now before the anti-centralist parties, including especially the FSLN-Autonomo, to unite with the PIM, AC, and YATAMA to take hold of the cabinet reins in Bluefields. Will those forces be able to form an alliance in the assembly, or will the PLC outmaneuver the FSLN and form a different sort of coalition in the RAAS? 6) Autonomy in the autonomy? The autonomous regions display a patch-quilt array of ethnic, class, language, and cultural diversity. There are definite regions within regions where recent population migrations or traditional isolation make for exceptional and pattern breaking (or trend forming) results. The joke going the rounds on the Coast is that Corn Island is intent on setting itself up as a new autonomous region. National parties got nowhere on the Island this time, but PIM came in strong. Voting preferences in the "frontier" areas of Nueva Guinea or along the Rio Blanco-Siuna highway are markedly different from those on the Coast itself. In the urban centers one can observe the pattern of a three-way split between PLC, FSLN, and PIM/CA/YATAMA. This adds support to the notion that in the RAAS voters tend to split their choices more so than in the North, where voters are tied, it seems, to the three major forces: PLC, FSLN, and Yatama. 7) What's the "largest party on the Coast"? The "abstainers party", let's here it! Abstention rates ranged as high as 70% of registered voters; in urban Bilwi (Puerto Cabezas) the rate was around 55%, in Siuna it was nearly 70%. The average rate for both regions, according to the CSE, was 43 per cent. Dr. Vilma Nunez de Escorcia, president of the Nicaraguan Human Rights Center (CENIDH - one of many election-observer groups), captured the essence of this problem, noting that those elected "won a majority of the votes of a minority of registered voters". In some cases, it is worse - the winners can only claim to represent a plurality of a minority of the voters in their ridings. The evident "apathy and disillusion" provoked great concern among political analysts, election observers (particularly the OAS), and editorialists on the Pacific. Expressed concerns ranged from the issue of ongoing governability to fear of a possible "Guanacaste effect", through which yet another part of the country could be enticed to split away. In the last century the population of Guanacaste province opted to become part of Costa Rica after years of frustration with Nicaraguan rule. Editorial opinion scolds the Central government, national political parties, and the Pacific political classes for this situation and lectures them to get their act together on the Coast or face "dangerous consequences" [see editorials translated from LA PRENSA and LA TRIBUNA below]. *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> ~~~>H U M O R * * U S W R U M O R H A S I T T H A T -- U M U N M O R N T O R U M O R A S R M *WEEKLY ELECTIONS, OR EVEN BETTER, DAILY! WHY? THEY HAD ELECTRICITY FOR 24-HOURS ON ELECTION DAY, A RARE TREAT. "LET'S HAVE MORE ELECTIONS", PEOPLE WERE SAYING. USUALLY SIUNA FOLKS HAVE ELECTRICITY AT THE MOST A FEW HOURS AFTER DARK IN THE EVENING. *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>* __________________________________________ ~~>PARTIAL LIST OF ELECTED COUNCIL MEMBERS ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ PARTIDO LIBERAL CONSTITUTIONALISTA ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Augusto Cesar de la Rocha de la Rocha Carlos Alberto Bonilla Diaz Tatiana Patricia Guerrero Blandford Randolph Noel Hodgson Yullit Alejandro Meijia Gaitan Cesar Oden Campos Alvarez Rendel Enrique Hebbert Lopez Evans Roy Lopez Omeir Marcos Antonio Gonzalez Astorga Rufina Centeno Iden Alba Socorro Rivera Obregon Juana Isabel Hunter Bonilla Mainor Jimenez Nelson Francico Juan Rener Ramirez Vicente Ramon Trujillo Vega Pio Alejandro Gacia Izaguirre Domingo Guillermo Guido Eliozondo Victor Manuel Duarte Arostegui Martha Lorena Garcia Jarquin Ornis Rigby Montiel Reynaldo Javier Blandon Aguilar Juan Manuel Gonzalez Campos Dounglas Antonio Hernandez Aleman Ampinio Palacios Vanegas Pablo de Jesus Martinez Flores Myrna Muriel Moses Benliss FRENTE SANDINISTA AUTONOMO ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ James Willoughby Henriquez Bent Claudia Maria Wilson Bustamente Cesar Augusto Quinto Gomez Moises Antonio Arana Cantarero Bednjamin Moreno Garcia Linstron James Abraham Marcos Cecilio Steven Colindrez Jose Ines Lopez Sequiera Juan Manuel Gonzalez Henriquez Roberto Catillo Valle Lidia McCoy Beteta Ned Emile Smith Cassis Eddy Ramon McDonald Funez Enrique Alberto Gonzalez Gonzalez Noel Armado Montoya Valle Leoncio Gumersindo Herrera Lanzas Hilario Poveda Lopez Juan Daniel Salgado Soza Eduardo Medina Jarquin PARTIDO INDIGENA MULTIETNICO ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Rayfield Wayne Hodgson Bobb Jose Andres Ramirez Charlie Raula Haydee Lang Hurtado Allan Roy Ingram Newball Jaime Garcia Wilson Karl Fitzgerald Tinkham Crisanto ALIANZA COSTENA ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Dayne Winston Cash Casanova Rodolfo Chang Bennet YATAMA ~~~~~~ Cristina Moris Anizal Socorro Marely Galagarza Gomez Eddie Bartholome Bendles Dixon Henry Francis Jackson David Suazo Muller Julio Levy Woo Nancy Elizabeth Henriquez Jame Winston Pablo Piener Jorge Teyton Fedrik _____________________________________________ SOURCE: Projections made by LA TRIBUNA based officially reported results from the CSE as of 6 PM March 2, corresponding to 79.3 of the vote. [LA TRIBUNA, March 3, 1988] *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> *>LA TRIBUNA Editorial, March 3, 1998 How to interpret the abstentionism? The high rate of abstentionism seen during the just concluded regional elections in the Atlantic Coast can be interpreted as a vote against traditional political parties or as a vote against the Pacific. Viewed either way, one cannot speak either of winners or losers in elections in which more than 50% of eligible voters did not participate The main victims in these elections are the national political parties, the regional councils, and Autonomy itself. In the case of the national parties, the elections have laid bare their lack of credibility in the Atlantic of Nicaragua. Regional councils have paid with electoral indifference for their inability to resolve local problems due to lack of resources and to their own mode of m is a manifestation of apathy and political disillusion experienced by the Nicaraguan population, especially citizens of the Coast. To be sure, this is not an exclusively Nicaraguan phenomenon, but rather one that is characteristic of all contemporary democratic societies. For example in last month's elections in Coast Rica practically half the electoral population abstained from voting; however, that's a country where democracy has functioned normally for the last half-century during which 13 impeccable national elections have been held. In the large of majority of countries where government authorities are elected popularly there is now a noticeable reduction in the number of people turning out to the polls to exercise their right to suffrage. According to political scientists and experts in political communication and electoral technique political apathy has grown universally in our time. It expresses itself mainly in failure to register and in voter abstention. But citizen apathy and political disillusion are not the same thing. And it is highly important to differentiate the two phenomena, above all, that parties and other political institutions of democracy do so if they want to adopt adequate measures to promote popular participation in elections and thereby in taking the big political decisions of the country. Experts define apathy as when individuals take their distance from politics because they do not see it as having anything to do with their concrete interests; it manifests itself in lack of individual concern for political discussion, declining political activism, scant participation in public rallies, underrating of political radio and TV programs, and lack of motivation to get on the voter lists